Klimaanpassungspolitik in Nicaragua: Perspektiven auf gerechtere Partizipationsmöglichkeiten durch Basisorganisationen
Lisa Waegerle, OWP No. 01/2014
Eine quantitative Analyse des Extraktivismus in Lateinamerika
Sebastian Matthes, OWP No. 02/2012
Informalidad laboral y clases sociales en Argentina
Fernando Groisman, OWP No. 01/2012
Somalische Piraten vor der Küste eines Failed State? Eine kritische Auseinandersetzung mit dem Konzept des Staatszerfalls
Nico Weinmann, OWP No. 02/2011
Nicaragua: Neue Wege in Sozialpolitik und ländlicher Entwicklung? Das Programa Productivo Alimentario der Regierung Ortega.
Timm Schützhofer, OWP No. 01/2011
Der „neue Sandinismus“ in Nicaragua: Autoritärer Selbstbedienungsstaat oder neues Entwicklungsmodell?
Ivo Schnipkoweit, Timm Schützhofer (Ed.), OWP No. 02/2010
Movimientos Sociales, matrices socio-políticos y nuevos escenarios en América Latina
Maristella Svampa, OWP No. 01/2010
Colombia: compromise or containment? National state transformation and the formulation of nationhood
Daniel Hawkins, OWP No. 01/2008
Armutsreduktion durch Partizipation? Der bolivianische Sozialfonds auf dem Prüfstand
Tanja Ernst, OWP No. 04/2006
Die internationale Sozialpolitik am Beispiel der Sozialfonds in Bolivien
Ana Maria Isidoro Losada, OWP No. 03/2006
El FONVIS: sus impactos a nivel local
Beate Jungemann, Cecilia Cariola, OWP No. 02/2006
El FONVIS: Su trayectoria institucional en el contexto sociopolitíco venezolana de 1980 a 2004
Yolanda D’Elia, Thais Maingon, OWP No. 01/2006
Since 1991 the Bolivian social fund policy persecutes a strategy aiming at the reduction of poverty, primarily through a promotion of social infrastructure and local participation. The Ley de Participación Popular, a law on public participation introduced in Bolivia in 1994, supported these efforts by enabling participation-oriented local politics, which was supposed to guarantee a stronger consideration of local needs, to, thus, raise the justification of the scarce public investments in comparison to the demand as well as their efficiency and sustainability.
In the available working paper, the efforts to promote the municipality by means of the social fund were analyzed. For that purpose, four selected Bolivian municipalities served as an example for the, on the one hand, examination of the measurable effects of the social fund activities, respectively, their share in the improvement of the locally appearing poverty situation. On the other hand, the thesis of a positive correlation of the promotion of participation and the fight against poverty was verified. In the course of this, it becomes clear that the quality and dimension of the participation on the local level, in the framework of the examined multi-level system of the Bolivian social fund, has not been sufficient enough to brake through traditional relations of dominance and dependence. Nonetheless, the promotion of participation enabled a strengthening of the articulation ability of local players, and hence, not only created new development capacities but is also capable to make a contribution to the reduction of poverty on a middle- to long-term basis.
The worldwide operating social investment funds have their conceptual origin in the emergency social fund, which was implemented in Bolivia in 1986 for the first time. The aim of the fund was the fast and focused social mitigation of the neo-liberal structural adjustment programs, which were put into practice in the Bolivian context under the “aegis” of the international financial organizations since 1985. As a result of the vastly positive experiences of the first fund generation and the steady advancement of the national fund structure in the course of the last two decades, the Bolivian model is of particular importance with regard to the future arrangement of social funds structures up until today. On the basis of the different Bolivian social fund generations, the available working paper focuses on the interactions and interdependencies, which become apparent within the international, the national and the local level. In so doing, a considerable competence transfer in favor of the international level is able to be established in the context of the Bolivian social fund, which can definitely be described as a “denationalization” of the national social policy. At the same time, the available examination shows that the national level was partially able to compensate for this redistribution of traditionally national fields of responsibility, both by means of gaining legitimization and political spheres of influence. With regard to the local level, however, classical top-down-logics dominate. Thus, the local level did not appear as a constitutive player but rather as passive addressee of socio-political prioritization.
The available working paper describes the change of the action of the Social Investment Fund (FONVIS) at a local level in the context of the current social policy. For this purpose the real developing and participation potentials generated by the communitarian programs in the social-territorial level through a self-research based in multiple in-deep interviews. It is revealed the contribution of the projects to improve the living conditions, to reinforce the role of women, in the promotion of local participation, in the enlargement of the social nets and also to reinforce the social-territorial identity. The study has as a result a wide use of the new participation spaces, which specifically lead to a reinforcement of the role of women in their respective communities. However the current concepts of promotion and support as well as the put to practice of concrete projects and programs of the fund have a provisional character as a consequence of a lack of institutional consolidation and clear establishing of institutional responsibilities in the States social strategy.
In Venezuela, since 1989, the first neo-liberal measures of structural adjustment were implemented as an answer to the financial insolvency of the country. These measures meant a strong economic charge to the poor sectors, situation that led to an unexpected and massive social explosion, the so called caracazo of February 1989. As an reply to this circumstance, the government created in cooperation with the Interamerican Development Bank(IDB) the Social Investment Fund (FONVIS) of Venezuela with the purpose to counterbalance the social effects of the neo-liberal adjustment. The available working paper describes and analyzes the historical development of the FONVIS and its different configurations considering its respective national context. As an instrument of implementation internationally promoted, the fund began with a policy of battle against poverty focused in the encouragement and enlargement of the social infrastructure and also in the support of the decentralization process in Venezuela. Since the entrance of the government of Hugo Chávez in 1999, in this new social and political context, the function of the fund got more difficult each time: with the arising of new centralist social policy instruments and ad hoc institutions close to government, the FONVIS was displaced more each time from its initially important position in the national social policy to an excluded institutional position until it finally was officially ordered its elimination in 2005. The function of the FONVIS here analyzed evidences that in the scenario of the funds in Venezuela, could hardly exist a widely developed multi-level governance because the context of the national State ruled the policy of the funds during all times. And it was the State who finally initiates the elimination of the Fund without achieving agreements with the international, regional or local levels.
The design, reformulation, and final signing of Plan Colombia by the then US President, Bill Clinton, on the 13 July 2000 initiated in a new era of the US State´s involvement in supposedly sovereign-territorial issues of Colombian politics. The implementation of Plan Colombia there-on-after brought about a major realignment of political-military scales and terrains of conflict that have renewed discourses concerning the contemporary imperialist interests of key US-based but transnationally-projected social forces, leading to arguments that stress the invigorated geo-political dimension of present-day strategies of capitalist accumulation.
With the election of Álvaro Uribe Vélez as Colombian President in May 2002 and his pledge to strengthen the national military campaign aganist the region´s longest-surviving insurgency guerrilla group, Las FARC-EP, as well as other guerrilla factions, combined with a new focus on establishing the State project of “Democratic Security”; the military realm of governance and attempts to ensure property security and expanding capitalist investment have attained precedence in Colombia´s national political domains.
This working paper examines the interrelated nature of Plan Colombia -as a binational and indeed regional security strategy- and Uribe´s Democratic Security project as a means of showing the manner in which they have worked to pave the way for the implementation of a new “total market” regime of accumulation, based on large-scale agro-industrial investment which is accelerated through processes of accumulation via dispossession. As such, the political and social reconfigurations involved manifest the multifarious scales of governance that become intertwined in incorporating neoliberalism in specific regions of the world economy. Furthermore, the militarisation-securitisation of such policies also illustrate the explicit contradictions of neoliberalism in a peripheral context, where coercion seems to prevail, something which leads to a profound questioning of the extent to which neoliberalism can be thought of as a hegemonic politico-economic project.
Since January 2007 Nicaragua is once again governed by former revolutionary leader Daniel Ortega and his sandinista party FSLN. In June 2009 the NicaNetz Volunteer Network and the EPN Network of Development Organisations in the State of Hessia were joined by the Chair of International and Intersocietal Relations of the University of Kassel in organizing a symposium on current social and political developments in Nicaragua. Scientific Scholars, experts from the Nicaragua Solidarity Movement and professionals in the field of development cooperation were invited to take a differentiated look at the political situation and future development scenarios in the Central American country.
The present OneWorld Perspective Working Paper continues the debate that started at the symposium. The first articles provide an introduction to Nicaragua from a historical perspective and concrete experiences of solidarity projects. These articles are followed by an analysis of the praxis of development cooperation (Praxis der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit), core conflict areas (Zentrale Konfliktfelder) and economic and social policies.
The Working Paper analyses the social structure of Argentine in the last forty years. The main focus of the paper is to identify the most important changes of social stratification, understood as upper, middle and underclass. The document contributes to three different debates: First, it rises the question, which criteria are appropriate to distinguish between classes, especially how to demarcate the middle class. Second, several changes in the social structure will be described using different approaches to identify common tendencies. Finally, dominant patterns of the labour market and their impact on the Argentinean social structure are to be analysed.